Two years ago, the Supreme Court vindicated the right to life by reversing a 1973 ruling which abruptly asserted the existence of a constitutional right to abortion that no one had ever previously heard of. Suddenly, a new day dawned for the defenders of unborn human life in America.
So how do things stand after two years?
If anyone imagined that the Supreme Court’s 2022 ruling was its final word on abortion, he or she surely knows better now. While reversing Roe v. Wade’s gratuitous bestowal of constitutionally protected status on abortion, the decision opened a whole new chapter in the abortion wars.
As its most recent term drew to a close, the court underlined this reality through two actions that disappointed prolifers.
First, in an unsigned order, the court said that it acted prematurely in agreeing to hear a challenge to a restrictive Idaho law on abortion, and it returned the case to the 9th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals for argument. Meanwhile, it left standing a lower federal judge’s ruling against the law. Prolifers had hoped that the Supreme Court would uphold it.
The second case regarded prolife medical groups and physicians who had brought a suit to make distribution of the abortifacient drug Mifepristone more difficult. The high court ruled unanimously that the medical personnel lacked legal standing in their suit inasmuch as they themselves had not suffered any tangible injury.
Prolifers still have the option of pursuing the matter if they can find a suitable plaintiff—such as (and purely for illustrative purposes) a pharmacist who lost his or her job for refusing to fill prescriptions for Mifepristone. The drug was used in 63% of all known abortions in the United States last year.
So much—for now—from the Supreme Court. The justices are currently on their summer break and will resume work October 7th. Meanwhile, prolife groups need to do some strategic rethinking in light of new numbers concerning laws and public opinion on abortion.
Overall, the situation looks like this.
Fourteen states have total bans on abortion. Twenty-seven states ban abortions before some designated point in pregnancy—18 weeks or earlier in 20 states, some point after 18 weeks in seven states. Nine states, plus the District of Columbia, place no time restrictions on the performance of abortion whatsoever.
Public opinion on abortion presents a disturbing picture. According to the Pew Research Center, a generally reliable source of such data, 73% of white Evangelical Protestants hold that abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, while 86% of the religiously unaffiliated—a group growing in numbers in recent years—say that it should be legal in all or most cases.
Among other groups, percentages favoring legalized abortion are: Black Protestants—71%, White nonevangelical Protestants—64%, Catholics—59%. Pew doesn’t break down the Catholic number, but other polls have found self-identified Catholics who seldom or never attend Mass twice as numerous as Catholics who attend weekly or more often. It’s a safe bet that those non-attenders generally support legalized abortion while the attenders generally oppose it.
Strategy? The pro-abortion strategy is clear. Fight laws restricting abortion in legislatures and courts, including the Supreme Court. Get the issue on the ballot in November wherever possible. Count on support from generally pro-abortion media.
Does the prolife movement have a comprehensive plan for addressing this difficult situation? It should. They got what they wanted—the overturning of Roe v. Wade. But that has opened a new era in defending the unborn. And don’t expect the Supreme Court to do it all.
Photo by Ian Hutchinson on Unsplash
